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Jeju, Island of World Peace

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Go back in Time to When the "Island of World Peace" Was First Promoted
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2019-12-03
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  [caption id="" align="alignright" width="150"] Yang Jo-hoon
Chairperson of Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation[/caption] Although it has been a long time, I still can’t forget the red flags flying around Jeju International Airport in April 1991. The flags were “The Red Banner”, featuring a golden sickle and hammer on the red field, the flag of the Soviet Union. Mikhail Gorbachev, then president of the Soviet Union, visited Jeju to attend the first ever South Korea-Soviet submit. To the people of Jeju, who had to make great sacrifices during the turmoil of the Cold War, this historical change came as something both embarrassing and somewhat confusing.   It was around this time that a somewhat unfamiliar expression, the “Island of Peace” was born. Following a series of visits by several world leaders, including Bill Clinton of the United State, Jiang Zemin of China, and Ryutaro Hashimoto of Japan, discussions on the “Island of Peace” slowly gained momentum.   Immediately after liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the winds of madness caused by the division of the Korean Peninsula and the international cold war not only destroyed Jeju’s fine custom but also victimized 30,000 residents, which equaled one tenth of the whole population. Even worse, the central government tried to cover up the truth for half a century, branding it a “communist riot.” However, the issues related to 4‧3, which choked the local residents, showed signs of settlement following the enactment of the 4‧3 Special Act in 2000, the finalization of The Jeju 4·3 Incident Investigation Report, and an official apology made by the Korean president in 2003. Breaking free from previously imposed ideological and revisionist historical constraints, the discussion on the “Island of Peace” became more concrete.   On January 27, 2005, the Roh Moo-hyun administration officially declared Jeju the “Island of World Peace.” The central government set the background and objectives of the designation as ⓛ the succession of the Sammu Spirit (sammu means that the island is devoid of three things: thieves, gates, and beggars) ② transformation of the tragedy of 4‧3 into reconciliation and harmony, and ③ contributions to world peace through summit diplomacy. The late president Roh went on to say, “Jeju, as the “Island of Sammu,” has that history of building peace. The island overcame a painful part of its history, which is known as “The 4‧3 movement,” and has served as an example for settling past issues through the process of truth and reconciliation, which is the common basis for settling a past issue.”   I still remember an article written by a CNN reporter from the United States who came to Jeju to cover what was happening on the island at that time. The reporter said that, at first, he could not understand why Jeju was designated as the “Island of Peace.” However, he soon learned about the history related to 4‧3. As he continued to learn how the people of Jeju had overcome the terrible ordeal, he began to understand. He revealed his full understanding by saying, “Jeju has the right to pursue the title of the “Island of Peace” even with its historical background of 4‧3.”   Jeju is the only island that is beautiful enough to achieve three crowns of UNESCO in the natural science fields (Biosphere Reserve, World Natural Heritage, and Global Geopark). Therefore, preserving the environment of Jeju systematically can be part of the peace movement. However, the natural environment alone is not enough to explain to the rest of the world why Jeju should be the “Island of Peace.”   When I give lectures on 4‧3, I emphasize, “The power of 4‧3 comes from the truth that holds the horrible reality.” It was the same idea that helped me stand firm against countless arguments when I covered the truth of 4‧3 in a series of articles in a newspaper as the head of the 4‧3 reporting team and when I prepared the report on the truth of 4‧3 as the senior member of the government committee. I think that the cause and the logic of the “Island of Peace” are also in line with this. This is the reason why the message that Jeju people have come to cherish peace and human rights even more because they made a terrible sacrifice has gained momentum in the end.   In addition, we should pay close attention to the reconciliation and harmony movement that Jeju residents have staged. “Come here and lower your head. Erecting this stone monument means that we forgive everyone because everyone is a victim. We hope that the dead can finally rest in peace and the living hold hands together.” This is the epitaph when the memorial altar was built for both fallen heroes and the souls of 4‧3 victims in 2003 in Hagwi-ri, a local village. It was the gathering of wisdom to open the future of reconciliation by having all the spirits in one place.   Jeju Island has long been called the “Village of Sammu” because there were no thieves, beggars, and gates. Even though the harsh natural environment, as a volcanic island, forced the inhabitants to remain poor, those living on the island led a happy life, helping each other. It was the storm of 4‧3 that even destroyed this fine custom of the local community. The movement to restore it is not confined to Hagwi-ri but has spread to neighboring villages, including Sangari-ri and Jangjeon-ri.   In 2013, the Association for Bereaved Families of 4‧3 Victims and the Veteran Police Association, the two organizations that had the most severe conflict, declared unconditional reconciliation. As a result, Jeju was able to tear down the wall of progress and conservatism and bring the private and public sectors together to heal. They have been overcoming the ideological conflict which is considered the most difficult job to do.   Yonsei University Professor Myung-lim Park has been studying this phenomenon. He said, “There has been no place in the world where perpetrators and victims, suppression and resistance, and the public and the government become one. Jeju has now come as the world’s best place to learn about forgiveness, reconciliation, and harmony.”   On June 20, 2019, the Jeju 4‧3 Human Rights Symposium was held for the first time at the UN headquarters in the heart of New York. What drew attention at the lobby of the headquarters was the statue of former South African President Nelson Mandela. This man, who was persecuted and put in prison for 27 years by the white government, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his endeavors to carry out the movement of truth and reconciliation after he took office as president. However, I had mixed emotions because I recently learned that South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Movement was stranded – the alarm for “reconciliation without justice” set off.   On the contrary, the symposium successfully held at the UN headquarters was the venue for heated discussions highlighting the terrible tragedy of Jeju 4‧3 and the spirit of reconciliation of Jeju people who have overcome it. The issue of holding the United States accountable for 4‧3 was discussed in earnest, and the 4‧3 spirit of reconciliation and harmony emerged as a new global model for settling the past issues.   It is also worthwhile to note the fact that the doctoral dissertation, which regards the efforts to discover the truth of 4‧3, the official apology made by the Korean government, and the reconciliation movement as a world-class example, has already been published at the University of Minnesota and University of Notre Dame in the United States.   The reason for the lengthy story of 4‧3 is that I feel this area has been overlooked while the Island of Peace movement has been promoted. Unlike the goals proposed when the Island of Peace was declared, the concept has become ambiguous and the projects become biased in the implementation process.   To be more specific, among the three objectives, that is, the succession of the Sammu Spirit, transformation of the tragedy of 4‧3 into reconciliation and harmony, and contributions to world peace through summit diplomacy, two have been neglected, and only the third objective has been highlighted.   When the “Island of World Peace” was declared in 2005, the whole island was in a festive mood. Festival banners were flying in every street, and there were even restaurants offering free alcoholic beverages to celebrate it. However, at some point, a gap appeared between the local residents and the “Island of Peace.” At one point, there was a voice of self-deprecation in the local community, asking, “Who is the Island of Peace for?”   2020 is a meaningful year in that it marks the 15th anniversary of the declaration of the “Island of World Peace.” I think it is time for us to reflect on what we have done. It is necessary to present a new angle for the vision beyond evaluating and complementing the adequacy of the 17 projects of “Island of Peace” and how they have been promoted. Over the last 15 years, some listed on the roadmap have already been implemented, but some of them have come to a point where a complete overhaul is needed due to the lack of timeliness.   No one can deny that the Jeju Forum has established itself as a representative international event associated with the designation of an “Island of World Peace.” Recently, efforts were made to make a connection with the local community by establishing a 4‧3 session during the forum. Nevertheless, it is still necessary to consider whether there is anything that the organizing committee needs to choose or pay attention to in the content of the event.   At present, the political landscape of Northeast Asia is in a severe condition. The peace movement has become all the more important due to the division and conflicts between world powers surrounding the Korean Peninsula. I think, at a time like this, we should prepare for the future by laying the foundation for a peace movement that adheres to the basics.   The same is true of inter-Korean issues. We have been carrying out various exchange projects with North Korea, including sending tangerines. However, such projects have been put on hold as the relations between the two Koreas soured. Nevertheless, the reason that we can still remain optimistic is that the exchange projects will resume once inter-Korean relations are restored. This is because the history and value of 4‧3, where Jeju people had to pay the price for pursuing a unified government, would be reevaluated.   Symbolically, I hope that ways to attract the “Asian Human Rights Court” to Jeju, which is in place in Europe (in 1959), the Americas (in 1979), and Africa (in 1979), but not in Asia.   Nowadays, there is also an expression of a sustainable “peace industry.” By connecting a peace brand with the industry, a new future-oriented business can be discovered. In the process, various opinions have to be presented.   However, as the old saying goes, “Nothing is complete unless you put it in the final shape,” I think that a discussion structure is needed to a roadmap for execution. In 2005, when the “Island of World Peace” was promoted, the “Island of Peace Promotion Committee” was up and running to prepare for the designation.   To this end, I hope that the system that the related agencies and organizations and expert groups, such as Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Government, Jeju Peace Institute, JDC which has recently shown interest in the peace movement, and the Jeju 4‧3 Peace Foundation can take part in is in operation.   Furthermore, by conducting a comparative survey on the operation of foreign peace cities, such as Geneva, Belfast, and Osnabrück, we should a model suitable for our peace community or plan to attract an international peace organization that fits our situation. ​  
  Yang Jo-hoon was born in Jeju in 1948 and contributed half of his life unveiling the truth of the Jeju 4.3. He used to be a journalist investigating the incident and published a series devoted to the Jeju 4.3 for 10 years. After the Jeju 4.3 Special Act was enacted, he took charge of the investigating team to write a report that unveils the illegitimate use of public authority. He played an important role to draw a President's apology as well. He served as a vice-governor of Jeju Special Self-Governing Province and, now he is serving as a chairperson of the Jeju 4.3 Peace Foundation. He is the author of numerous books including Finding the Truth of the Jeju 4.3 (2015). The New York Times introduced him as 'a journalist who has been investigating the Jeju 4.3 in 2001.