| Hatoyama's Legacy and ROK-Japan-China Trilateral Cooperation: The Japanese Perspective |
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Regional Conflicts and Hatoyama’s East Asian Community
On the other hand, due to historical and cultural conflicts as well as conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. Therefore, I would suggest, somewhat paradoxically, that the issues that stand in the way of regional integration can only be truly resolved by moving toward greater integration. In August 2009, Yukio Hatoyama, wrote an essay titled ‘A New Path for Japan’ and insisted there are needs to an ‘East Asia Community.’ As cited, this plan was also suggested as a possible solution for international conflicts in this region. Hatoyama and his Democratic Party of Japan achieved a landslide win in general elections held soon after that, and Hatoyama was appointed as Prime Minister. His ‘East Asia Community’ plan was accepted as an official policy, and Japan started to make efforts to it. The plan was almost ignored by Chinese and South Korean governments, however. For example, at his first trilateral summit meeting with Chinese and South Korean leaders, the respective leaders never showed positive reactions about Hatoyama’s proposal. Hatoyama continued the same efforts after that, but Chinese and South Korean leaders, and their societies did not pay any serious attention to his plan. Why then would Hatoyama’s East Asia Community plan not get support from China and South Korea? This paper will provide the reader a sense of the difficulties involved with Asian conflicts while analyzing Hatoyama’s failure. An Ambiguous Proposal without the United States The first reason for Hatoyama’s failure was the ambiguity of the plan. Hatoyama and the Japanese government could never identify possible members of the community. They could not even explain what kind of community – economical, monetary, social, political, and/or strategic, for example ? they were promoting their policy to. Facing such a vague plan from an economic giant, Asian countries were understandably confused. The second reason was that this plan was regarded as part of a new Japanese policy initiative which tried to distance itself from the United States. As is well-known, the United States regards herself as one of the most important Asian-Pacific nations, and has been against any plan to an Asian community plan without its own involvement. But Hatoyama officially said that ‘we do not need to discuss at this moment whether the East Asian Community should include the United States or not’, and showed possibilities that his plan might not include the United States here. Of course, the United States still has strong influence in this region, and it was very difficult for other Asian countries to accept a Japanese idea which might have a negative influence in their relation with the United States. Misunderstanding the East Asian Situation The most important reason for the failure of Hatoyama, however, was his misunderstanding of the East Asian situation. For example, he wrote in the same essay I cited at the beginning of this paper The economic power of the East Asian region and the interdependent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper. So the structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place. Here we can see that he put two premises on his East Asian Community plan. Namely, one is that East Asian economic power and interdependent relationships are growing, and the other is that East Asia lacks the structures for further development. On the first point, the East Asian situation is complicated. Although it is clear that the East Asian economy is growing, it is not easy to say their interdependence is also growing. Certainly, the amount of exchanges in this region is still rapidly increasing. But at the same time, the amount of exchanges between East Asian countries and other countries are increasing more rapidly. As a result, the share of inner exchanges in East Asia to all exchanges is gradually, but steadily decreasing. A decrease in inner exchanges is a typical phenomenon of globalization, and we can observe the same phenomenon between EU countries. Hatoyama also had a fatal misunderstanding on his second point. Certainly, East Asia has no firm and overall structure as European countries have, but it does not mean that this region has no structure at all. For example, today, in East Asia, there are a lot of EPAs, FTAs, and BITs. As a result, movements of goods and money in this region have become much smoother than some decades ago. By increasing VISA exemptions, the movement of peoples has also become dramatically easier among some countries. In other words, East Asian developments and inter exchanges were sustained by the system made of such independent agreements in this region. Needs and Reason for Further Cooperation In short, Hatoyama’s biggest mistake was that he could have explained the reasons to a cooperative system called the East Asia Community. For that cause, he needed to have an idea charming enough to attract other Asian countries, but he could not find it. The ambiguity of his plan rather worried other countries, and caused them to distance themselves from Hatoyama’s plan. Then what can this episode tell us about the current conflicts in East Asia? The important point here is that in today’s globalizing world, it is not easy for us to justify the further efforts to resolve international conflicts among East Asian countries. As Japan-China-ROK relations demonstrate, globalization makes it easy for a country to maintain cooperative economic and social exchanges, regardless of the disputing parties on territorial and historical issues. In this world, even in a case when disputes are serious enough to jeopardize the cooperative relationships, a country can easily find other partners with which it does not have serious problems. Since it was clear for a country to justify cooperative relations with neighbors a few decades ago, it did not have to justify the reasons for cooperative efforts to resolve interstate conflicts. Today’s climate, however, requires a country to an idea to attract cooperative partners and to explain the reason for the cooperative efforts. Hatoyama’s failure demonstrates the major shift in situations of cooperative effort in East Asia. 이 글에 포함된 의견은 저자 개인의 견해로 제주평화연구원의 공식입장과는 무관합니다. * Kan KIMURA is Professor of Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies at Kobe University. |